Unaccountable 00041: Even if you are an arms dealer, BNP Paribas wants your money!

By Mamello M

This is the second article in a two-part series on a weapons transaction that aided and abetted the Rwandan genocide. In part one, we looked at the role of Ters Ehlers in facilitating the sale of arms to the Rwandan government, that may have been used in genocidal violence in Bisesero, Rwanda in June 1994. In this Unaccountable, we focus on the role of French bank, BNP Paribas in enabling the transaction.

In March 1973, French bank Banque Nationale de Paris (BNP) launched a provocative campaign aimed at showing the bank’s single-minded focus. The campaign simply stated, “Pour parler franchement, votre argent m’intéresse”/”To speak frankly, I want your money.” This attitude seems to have endured in the practices of the bank in the 20^th and 21^st centuries. BNP has dealt with Latin American despots, genocidal governments, and states under international sanctions. In 2000, BNP merged with Paribas to become BNP Paribas.

In 1994, BNP was the bank of choice for the Rwandan government to make payments to various arms dealers, including former South African navy officer Willem Ters Ehlers. BNP facilitated over $1.3 million in payments from the Rwandan government to Ehlers. This was payment for Ehlers ensuring that weapons originally destined for Somalia were instead flown to Goma in the DRC and finally on to Rwanda, where a genocide that would kill 1 million people was already underway.

In June 1994, as South Africa settled into a tenuous peace in its second month as a democracy and the genocide in Rwanda reached an alarming crescendo, Ters Ehlers was facilitating a secretive and circuitous arms transaction. He travelled from South Africa to the scenic Seychelles islands to buy weapons, which were sold on to a Rwandan colonel, who provided a falsified end-user certificate (EUC) from then Zaire (now Democratic Republic of the Congo, DRC).

The weapons – including AK-47s, mortars, and fragmentation grenades – travelled to Rwanda with Colonel Théoneste Bagosora on a DC-8 plane registered in Zaire. Bagosora was an official in the Rwandan ministry of defence and a leader of the Interahamwe, the extremist militia considered to be the main perpetrator of the genocide. This circuitous trip was undertaken twice, but a third trip was stopped when media and people in the Seychelles learned that the arms were supporting the ongoing genocide in Rwanda.

To pay for the arms and for the role of Ters Ehlers as middleman, Bagosora used the Rwanda central bank’s account at Banque Nationale de Paris (BNP). This arms sale was in explicit contravention of United Nations (UN) sanctions on the sale of weapons to the genocidal Rwandan regime.

Banking on Genocide: How the FAR Financed Genocide

Commercial banking activity was suspended on 7 April 1994 in Rwanda when the 100 days of the genocide began. This meant that the Rwandan government used myriad money-laundering-esque tactics to pay for the arms. This started with a trip to Germany, between 28 April and 8 May 1994, by two representatives of the Banque Commerciale du Rwanda (BCR), a commercial bank in Rwanda. Ephraim Nkezabera (director of BCR) and Ezakar Bigilinka (director of BCR’s foreign department) went to Germany to ensure the transfer of BCR assets held there to the Banque Nationale du Rwanda (BNR)—Rwanda’s central bank—which held a bank account with Banque Nationale de Paris (BNP).

This transaction was a crucial building block for facilitating payment for arms transfers; it made it possible for genocidaire, Théoneste Bagosora to pay both Ehlers and the government of the Seychelles. Initially Bagosora had attempted to pay for the arms through Thomas Cook traveller’s cheques, but this attempt was thwarted by FNB and the South African police.

On the 9^th of June 1994, Alfred Gakuba Kalisa was arrested in a First National Bank (FNB) branch at the Carlton Centre in Johannesburg upon trying to deposit Thomas Cook traveller’s cheques worth $1,597,000. Kalisa was informed that the cheques were stolen and subsequently taken downtown to John Vorster Square police station and interrogated.

The cheques were interceded as they were on a stop list. A fax from Neal Richardson, a special investigator at Interpayment Services, indicates that the traveller’s cheques were part of a batch obtained by the Banque Commerciale du Rwanda (BCR) that had been put on a stop list and therefore they were illegal.  Interpayment Services was the traveller’s cheque-issuing subsidiary of Barclays Bank that was acquired by Thomas Cook in 1994.

At John Vorster police station, Kalisa told the story of having arranged a meeting between Ters Ehlers and two Zairean nationals “Camille” and “Jean Jacques” who sought to purchase arms. Camille was later revealed to be an alias of Bagosora (read part 1).

It is not clear how long Alfred Kalisa was detained by the South African police after his failed attempt to deposit the Thomas Cook traveller’s cheques. However, by 9 June 1994 he was able to contact Bagosora to inform him that the traveller’s cheques were fake. Bagosora insisted on the authenticity of the cheques, but because he was already in the Seychelles, he had to find another way to make the payments.

Bagosora contacted Joseph Nzirorera, the president of Rwanda’s National Assembly and secretary-general of the Mouvement Révolutionnaire pour le Développement (MRND), who in turn contacted the BNR governor, Denis Ntirugirimbazi, to make the payment. It was at this point that BNR began using its BNP account to transfer money to Ehlers’ Swiss bank account at Union Baincaire Privée (UBP).

The timeline of events in the Ehlers saga illustrates the lengths undertaken to layer the money to pay for the arms from the Seychelles, using BNP and UBP’s facilities. The first transfer was made on 14 June 1994 and amounted to $592,784, while the second transfer, which was made two days later on 16 June, amounted to $734 099. The day after each payment, there were payments from Ehler’s UBP account to the Seychells Central Bank in New York. These payments also correspond with the evidence of arms deliveries on 16 and 20 June 1994 from Seychelles to Goma, Zaire.

• 14 June 1994: $592 784 was deposited from the BNR account at BNP (Paris) to Ehlers’ Swiss UBP account.
• 15 June 1994: $179 965 was paid from Ehlers’ Swiss UBP account to the Seychelles Central Bank in New York.
• 16 June 1994: $734 099 was deposited from the BNR account at BNP (Paris) to Ehlers’ Swiss UBP account.
• 17 June 1994: $149 982,50 was paid from Ehlers’ Swiss UBP account to the Seychelles Central Bank in New York.

Accountability

On 29 June 2017, French and Rwandan civil society groups filed an official complaint against BNP Paribas on the basis of complicity in the Rwandan genocide, war crimes, and crimes against humanity. They include Sherpa, an anti-corruption group that defends victims of economic crimes; Ibuka France, an association that defends survivors of the Rwandan genocide; and the Collective of Civil Parties for Rwanda (CPCR), a group based in France that pursues claims against genocide suspects. The complaint centres on the payments made to Ehlers that facilitated the shipment of weapons.

Sherpa and the other complainants have relied on gathered evidence, testimonies, and investigative reports, including the UN International Investigation Commission for Rwanda. They assert that BNP ‘could not have doubted the genocidal intentions of the authorities of the country for which it allowed the transaction’.

In their complaint, the NGOs claim that

by allowing the financial transaction requested by the BNR during the Rwandan genocide, when an embargo voted by the UN resolution was in place, BNP Paribas would have participated in financing the purchase of 80 tons of weapons, which served to perpetrate the genocide. It would have thus contributed to the genocide recognized by the International Criminal Court for Rwanda.

Sherpa also reference the testimony of Jacques Simal, an employee of the Belgian bank Banque Bruxelles Lambert (BBL), who had been posted to the Banque Commerciale du Rwanda. Simal’s testimony confirms that the banking sector had a clear understanding of the crimes taking place in Rwanda, and as a result, BBL made the decision to freeze BCR accounts and reject the money transfers that BNP went on to approve.

Additionally, the director of the foreign department at BCR confirmed that BNP was the only bank that agreed to transfer assets on behalf of BNR. The complicity of BNP in the arming of a genocidal regime is, yet again, evidence of its willingness to flout international sanctions and prioritise its own profit over the lives and human rights of individuals.

After Sherpa and the others launched their complaint against BNP Paribas, Paris’ public prosecutor announced that it had opened a judicial investigation into allegations of BNP Paribas’ complicity in the 1994 Rwandan genocide. The probe opened on 22 August 2017 and is led by three investigating magistrates. Sources stress that despite the opening of a full-scale inquiry, there is no implication of guilt or guarantee of a trial, but rather that the information from the complaint and initial inquiries merit further investigation.

The focus of these organisations is important: they are seeking to hold a hugely influential economic actor to account. Headquartered in Paris, BNP Paribas is the largest bank in France, the second largest bank in Europe, and the ninth largest bank in the world by total assets. BNP Paribas’ total assets in 2023 were valued at €2,591 billion (about R5.3 trillion).

If we are never again to repeat the horrors of 1994, banks like BNP Paribas must be held to account.

We wrote to BNP Paribas’s Paris office for comment on this story. Despite multiple attempts to contact them they did not reply.

The post Unaccountable 00041: Even if you are an arms dealer, BNP Paribas wants your money! appeared first on Open Secrets.

by Mamello Mosiana, Hennie van Vuuren and Daniel Ford for Open Secrets

Willem ‘Ters’ Ehlers was a naval officer, apartheid loyalist and private secretary to PW Botha. Like many apartheid securocrats, Ehlers took his knowledge and contacts from the apartheid military state and privatised his services; this led him to a life of lucrative arms dealing. In 1994, Ehlers facilitated a deal to send weapons to government forces in Rwanda at the height of the genocide. He has never been held to account.

South Africa and Rwanda embarked on two disparate paths in April 1994. One country towards a democratic election, the other towards a genocide that would kill an estimated one million people in just 100 days. Unspoken and sometimes forgotten are the ties that bind these two moments. While South Africa was ushering in democracy, apartheid’s personnel had found new opportunities to sow misery in Rwanda in pursuit of profit. This Unaccountable profile tells the story of one such man, Willem “Ters” Ehlers. 

This profile is based on Open Secrets’ investigative report, The Secretary: The Middlemen and Corporations that Armed the Rwandan Genocide, published in May 2023. 

Mandela’s photographer, Botha’s aide

In July 1989, the South African apartheid regime’s most significant political prisoner met the country’s top praetorian in secret. When Nelson Mandela, as prisoner 46/664, set foot on the soft carpeted floors in PW Botha’s office at Tuynhuys in Cape Town, he entered an office that would be his own in just five years. Botha, feared and loathed in equal measure by most South Africans, was in the final months of his tenure as head of state. In his autobiography, Mandela described the hour-long interaction as “friendly and breezy until the end”.

Only one photo exists of the meeting. It suggests a moment of levity, with Mandela and Botha facing one another in jocular conversation, surrounded by Botha’s minister of justice, Kobie Coetsee; the head of the prison service, Willie Willemse; and the chief of the civilian intelligence service, Niël Barnard. As the story goes, the photo was taken in haste with a point-and-shoot camera by the one other man in the room — Ehlers.

Ehlers was no ordinary photographer. As Botha’s private secretary and aide-de-camp, the commodore was his confidant and belonged to the powerful and paranoid state president’s inner circle. Military expenditure skyrocketed to over 30% of government spending by the mid-1980s. Many state secrets which passed across Botha’s desk went, by extension, through Ehlers. This would have given Ehlers access to some of the most closely guarded secrets of the state — the development of the South African nuclear weapons programme, clandestine offers of weapons from across the globe, and the booming arms trade with countries such as France, China, Israel, West Germany and many others.

Apartheid’s old boy network

In late 1989, Ehlers lost his position when Botha was ousted from power. Ehlers became part of what Human Rights Watch, in a report published in 2000, described as South Africa’s “old boy network” spanning national defence and private business and drawing on experience gained dodging apartheid arms embargoes. This network would go on to run the arms trade in Africa and globally, which included dealing with some of the world’s worst human rights offenders.

In 1990, Ehlers made a seamless transition from the security state to one of its most curious, secret front companies — the Seychelles-based GMR. Named after the Italian Giovanni Mario Ricci, GMR was a sanctions-busting front for the apartheid regime from the mid-1980s to the early 1990s. Ehlers was tasked with taking over the reins of GMR from Craig Williamson, whom he knew from his days in Botha’s presidency. GMR’s primary purpose was to soften the blow of disinvestment from apartheid South Africa. Williamson is on record as having said that GMR was used to “avoid any inhibiting laws” preventing the import of goods to South Africa. 

According to press reports at the time, Ehlers served as chief of GMR until 1992 and in July 1994 the company confirmed that he had left its services. However, by then Ehlers had transitioned fully into being an international arms trader, and his networks in the Seychelles and around the world would come in handy. One transaction facilitated by Ehlers through the Seychelles was for weapons that were used in the Rwandan genocide. 

The Malo arms

On 9 June 1994, Alfred Gakuba Kalisa was arrested in a First National Bank (FNB) branch at the Carlton Centre in Johannesburg while trying to deposit Thomas Cook traveller’s cheques worth $1,597,000. Kalisa was informed that the cheques were stolen and taken downtown to John Vorster Square police station and interrogated. He told the police an intriguing tale about Ehlers facilitating a weapons deal for Zaire (now DRC).

According to Kalisa, he had recently been contacted by a “Mr Camille”, a man claiming to work for the Ministry of Defence in Mobutu Sese Seko’s government in Zaire, and another man known as “Jean Jacques”, who in turn worked for Camille. Camille had asked Kalisa whether he could put him in contact with someone from the state-owned arms company Armscor, to which Kalisa replied that he “was not in that type of business” but could put Camille in touch with his “good friend” Ehlers, who also worked in the armaments business.

Kalisa arranged a meeting between himself, Ehlers, Camille and Jean Jacques in Johannesburg in May 1994. Kalisa provided testimony to the International Criminal Tribunal (ICTR) for Rwanda in 1995, in which he discussed the details of this meeting. Kalisa said that Camille and Jean Jacques told Ehlers they were interested in purchasing weapons for Zaire. Ehlers, in turn, said that he could supply weapons stockpiled in the Seychelles. 

The weapons stockpiled in the Seychelles had travelled from Serbia aboard a Greek ship, the Malo. The ship had set sail from Montenegro in the Mediterranean towards Somalia. The vessel was intercepted by Seychellois authorities in March 1993. This was because Somalia was under a UN embargo due to the conflict there. Moreover, the origin of the weapons was Serbia, which was also under an embargo because of the conflict in the former Yugoslavia. The weapons stockpile included 2,500 AK-47s, 6,000 mortars and 5,600 fragmentation grenades.

Ehlers and Camille agreed that Camille would produce an end-user certificate signed by the Zairean defence minister that the government of the Seychelles would require before releasing the arms. Following this meeting, there was a second meeting between Camille, Jean Jacques, Ehlers and a defence vice-minister named only as Joseph. Kalisa said that he was not at this meeting, at which the transfer of the arms was discussed in more detail.

Rwandan military officer

Camille was later confirmed at the ICTR to be an alias of Colonel Théoneste Bagosora. Bagosora was a Rwandan military officer who was at the helm of Rwanda’s genocidal paramilitary units, the Interahamwe. As Rwanda erupted into genocidal violence after the assassination of Rwandan President Juvénal Habyarimana, Bagosora quickly took steps to seize power by assuming control of the Rwandan military. He used this power to eliminate political rivals and to control broadcasts to the population. One of Bagosora’s first acts was to orchestrate the murder of Prime Minister Agathe Uwilingiyimana.

Not long after taking steps to secure control of the military and the state, Bagosora could be found around the country at sites of extreme violence. The ICTR indictment against him contains a host of witness statements placing him at the scenes of numerous killings. When Bagosora left Rwanda in May 1994 to procure arms in South Africa — presenting himself as “Mr Camille” — it was with the ambition to “wage a war that will be long and full of dead people until the minority Tutsi are finished and completely out of the country”.

What did Ehlers know?

As discussed in more detail below, the arms were always destined for Rwanda rather than Zaire. The arms were flown from the Seychelles, then into Goma in the DRC which borders Gisenyi, Rwanda — their ultimate destination.  So just how much could Ehlers have known about the final destination of these weapons? 

Ehlers would likely have been aware of the role of Zaire as an issuer of end-user certificates for the apartheid government. Moreover, Kalisa, a man who described himself as Ehlers’ “friend”, was apprehended before the deal was carried out, which means that Ehlers’ payment was put in jeopardy. 

Kalisa had Bagosora’s identity confirmed to him by police and a call he subsequently made to Bagosora to inform him of the failed transaction. This led Bagosora to make alternate plans for the payment to proceed. It is highly unlikely that this would have been missed by Ehlers: he was with Bagosora in the Seychelles, he was a “friend” of Kalisa’s, and he would have noticed that the payment arrangements changed. 

In particular, he would have noticed that he was now no longer being paid in traveller’s cheques but by a bank transfer from the BNP account of the Rwandan government. That should have been enough confirmation for Ehlers that he was doing business with the Rwandan government. 

Beyond this, Ehlers was procuring the arms from government officials, like Colonel Payet in the Seychelles, who was duty-bound to verify the identity of the end-user. They either flagrantly abandoned this duty or willingly assisted the purchase. This is evidenced by the fact that a Seychellois newspaper later identified Bagosora as a Rwandan official and thereby prevented the transfer of a third consignment of arms that was part of this deal. That knowledge of this deal — in particular Bagosora’s involvement and the final destination of arms being Rwanda — came to light so quickly, makes it difficult to believe that Ehlers would not have known who he was dealing with and where the arms were destined to be used.

In August 2022, Open Secrets sent detailed questions to Ehlers via WhatsApp and email. Instead of replying to our questions, Ehlers asked to meet with Open Secrets for an interview. On 26 September 2022, we met with Ehlers at the Intercontinental Hotel in Johannesburg. Ehlers firmly denied that he was an arms dealer, admitting to only one arms transaction stating  that ‘‘I can categorically state that I sold two years before the Seychelles transaction…I sold a small amount of ammunition to the Zairis. And I say I, in my personal capacity.”

Throughout our interview, Ehlers denied knowing that the destination of the Malo arms was Rwanda. Rather, he claimed he was doing a favour for his friend, the president of the Seychelles, France-Albert René, by helping facilitate a deal with Zaire. Ehlers also insisted that the allegations that he had sold arms to Rwanda were part of a smear campaign by a family member due to a dispute over an inheritance. 

Bisesero

The influx of automatic rifles, grenades and mortars into northwestern Rwanda in mid-June 1994 had a significant effect on violence in the region. The weapons Bagosora purchased from Ehlers arrived just before troops and civilian militia departed by bus for Bisesero, a site of significant violence that occurred towards the end of the 100-day genocide. Bisesero is a range of hills in western Rwanda. It is about a three-hour drive from Gisenyi, where FAR troops (Forces Armées Rwandaises or Rwandan Armed Forces) were based at the time and was one of the main sites that refugees fled to during the genocide.

The final attack on Bisesero was one of the FAR’s last desperate acts before many of its leaders fled the country. Preparation for the attack took place in early June 1994, at a meeting in a hotel in Gisenyi, near the FAR base. On 17 June, a day after the first arms transfer, Anatole Nsengiyumva (the ranking military officer in Gisenyi) received orders from Édouard Karemera (who was accused of orchestrating an earlier large-scale assault in the Bisesero hills in mid-May 1994) to send troops to the Bisesero region to participate in a “clean-up” operation. Orders were given for the slaughter to commence no later than 20 June, presumably to get as much killing done before the anticipated French intervention.

The result of this coordinated and premeditated assault was devastating and claimed well over 1,000 lives. Those who took part in these murders included the military, militia, and civilians. Other estimates have placed the number of people slain in the Bisesero hills as high as 50,000 over the entire period of the genocide. 

Witness accounts and letters indicate that weapons such as those imported by Bagosora and Ehlers were used in the June 1994 attack. The first of these accounts is in a letter from one regional leader to another, dated 24 June, that confirms the arrival of militia forces from Gisenyi. This letter was central to the court’s decision to find Nsengiyumva guilty of dispatching troops to Bisesero. This important evidence was presented at Karemera’s trial in late 2006, and it reliably indicates that firearms were used in the Bisesero assault.

Other accounts of the Bisesero assault provide supporting evidence of the use of firearms and grenades. One example of such evidence comes from the accounts of multiple eyewitnesses who described an attack on a cave in which more than 40 refugees were hiding. Grenades were used to flush out and ultimately kill the civilians within.

The weapons procured by Ehlers and Bagosora included hand grenades and rifle-propelled grenades. As part of the preparation for the Bisesero assault, grenades were specifically requested. It is impossible to overstate the brutality and the scale of the events in Bisesero, which were very likely worsened by the arms provided by Ehlers and Bagosora.

The post Unaccountable 00040| Willem ‘Ters’ Ehlers – apartheid’s secretary turned genocide arms dealer appeared first on Open Secrets.

9 July 2024

Discover the chilling story of how Willem ‘Ters’ Ehlers, a South African, facilitated the sale of weapons from the Seychelles to Rwanda during the peak of the Rwandan Genocide.

This video reveals the findings of The Secretary: How Middlemen and Corporations Armed the Rwandan Genocide, an investigative report by Open Secrets published in May 2023. Explore the global connections that fuelled one of history’s most devastating genocides. Learn how arms dealers and financial institutions played crucial roles, making profits at the expense of human lives. This video underscores the importance of accountability, shedding light on the call for justice as Open Secrets submitted a memorandum to the NPA on June 20, 2024, urging the investigation of prosecution of Ehlers for aiding and abetting the Rwandan Genocide.

The post The Shocking Role of Willem ‘Ters’ Ehlers in Arming the Rwandan Genocide| Open Secrets report appeared first on Open Secrets.

defenceWeb

Cape Town-based non-profit organisation (NPO) Open Secrets wants Pretoria resident Willem “Ters” Ehlers prosecuted for aiding and abetting the April 1994 Rwanda genocide.

It submitted a memorandum to South Africa’s National Prosecuting Authority (NPA) in this regard on 20 June. The memorandum, a statement has it, was drawn up and forwarded in terms of section 27 of the NPA Act which permits any person with reasonable grounds to suspect a specified offence has been committed to report the matter to the NPA.

The post Will Rwandan genocide come back to haunt PW Botha man? appeared first on Open Secrets.

Newzroom Afrika | Open Secrets petitions NPA to prosecute man for allegedly aiding Rwandan genocide

Open Secrets is petitioning the National Prosecuting Authority to prosecute a South African man for allegedly aiding and abetting the Rwandan genocide. In its report, Open Secrets alleges that in 1994 – in the middle of the Genocide – the man facilitated an arms deal on behalf of one of the architects of the genocide. Head of campaigns at Open Secrets, Mamello Mosiana, eleborates.

The post Open Secrets petitions NPA to prosecute man for allegedly aiding Rwandan genocide appeared first on Open Secrets.

Eyewitness News | Kgomotso Modise

JOHANNESBURG – Advocacy group Open Secrets has petitioned the National Prosecuting Authority (NPA) to prosecute a former apartheid government official for his involvement in the Rwandan genocide 30 years later.

The group has been investigating Willem Ehlers’ alleged involvement in the supply of arms during the 1994 genocide. Ehlers was a member of the South African navy and apartheid president PW Botha’s secretary.

The post NPA petitioned to probe ex-apartheid govt official for role in Rwandan genocide appeared first on Open Secrets.

PRESS RELEASE| 2 July 2024 | Cape Town, South Africa

(Cape Town, South Africa)- On 20 June 2024, Open Secrets submitted a memorandum to the National Prosecuting Authority (NPA) motivating for the prosecution of Willem “Ters” Ehlers, a South African currently residing in Pretoria, for the offence of aiding and abetting the Rwandan Genocide. The memorandum was sent in terms of section 27 of the NPA Act which permits any person who has reasonable grounds to suspect that a specified offence has been committed, to report the matter to the NPA.

In May 2023, Open Secrets published the investigative report, The Secretary: How Middlemen and Corporations armed the Rwandan Genocide . The Secretary is a call to hold to account arms dealers and banks, like BNP Paribas involved in the Rwandan genocide. This investigative report is about the global nature of civil wars and genocide.

Ehlers, who currently resides in Pretoria, facilitated an arms deal on behalf of Théoneste Bagosora – one of the architects of the Rwandan Genocide  – whereby two large weapons shipments were flown to Goma (in what was then Zaire) and taken across the border to Rwanda. The transaction and subsequent shipment happened in June 1994 – at the climax of the Rwandan Genocide and in contravention of a United Nations arms embargo on Rwanda.

The memorandum, drawing on Open Secrets’ investigative work explains how Ehlers, secretary to former President Botha, established himself as a well-connected businessman in the early 1990s. When Theoneste Bagosora needed weapons, Ehlers was equipped to assist. Ehlers’ actions contributed to the exacerbation of the genocide and the devastating loss of life.

Open Secrets’ believes there is sufficient evidence to satisfy the elements of the offence of aiding and abetting genocide under customary international law. Holding Ehlers accountable is not only a matter of addressing past wrongs but also of setting a precedent that reinforces the rule of law and prevents future violations of international humanitarian law.

Open Secrets urges the NPA to rigorously investigate the evidence presented and to proceed with the prosecution in accordance with South Africa’s obligations under international law.

Read the memo

The post Open Secrets Petitions The NPA To Prosecute South African Willem Ehlers For Aiding And Abetting The Rwandan Genocide appeared first on Open Secrets.

The post The Secretary: How Middlemen and Corporations Armed the Rwandan Genocide appeared first on Open Secrets.

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